Even where they appear as entirely nonpolitical, movies tend to inevitably have political messages. However, the notably evident aspect in numerous films is their tendencies to integrate liberal ideas. Using the film, Independence Day directed by Roland Emmerich, the current essay examines the themes related to conditions under which liberal ideals can influence elite policy-makers in achieving rational foreign policy decision-making. Several relevant themes are likely to emerge in films pointing towards the liberal tendencies or otherwise among elite policy-makers that contribute in promoting greater international experience. Even though in an indirect manner, it is common for American films to exhibit liberal ideals that are likely to provide …show more content…
From these, liberal ideals are portrayed to have two main strands with one founded on liberal nationalism while the other on liberal internationalism (Reitan 43). The rational foreign policy approach that that elite policy-makers can consider when confronted with an international hurdle would be similar to the approach adopted in the film. By first securing themselves, the focus is first given to the maintenance of the national sovereignty and the security of liberal institutions at home. In that case, foreign policy should begin with liberal nationalism. Such was evident in the movie as the United States began by securing itself (Reitan 43). It is after overpowering the invading aliens that the strand of liberal internationalism arises, as it extends to the international community to share information on the crucial vulnerability of the invaders. As Reitan exhibited, there are sufficiently compelling reasons for the United States to embrace liberal internationalism. With US corporations involved in far-flung markets, the United States is dependent on success and peace in other markets, and it would thus be rational for the United States to see itself as the protector of other countries against the destruction by the alien …show more content…
The same is evident in the film, Independence Day, as sharing the critical vulnerability that other countries can use to overcome the alien invasion would benefit American interests abroad (Desch 17). Considering the position that the United States assume in the film, a notable theme that arises relates to the notion of ‘soft power’. Evidently, ‘soft power has the potential of occupying a distinct position in the nation’s foreign policy. To an extent, such is possible based on the manner that the country is positioned in the normative struggle on the role that the US plays in the World system (Eriksson and Norman 425). It is argued that ‘soft power’ that the United States had amassed, the popularity of the American culture and the attraction of it played a part in the nation’s victory in the Cold War. The notion of ‘soft power’ as can be derived from the film has the country gain the ability to get what it wants through attraction instead of coercion. Such applies to the film considering the advantaged position that the United States gain by establishing the critical vulnerability in the alien ship. By sharing this new-gotten knowledge, the United States would be enabling other countries to defeat the rest of the destroyer ships (Eriksson and Norman 426). Such set the basis of the ‘soft power’ that the United States develop as it begins shaping the preferences
In today’s world, that kind of self-imposed isolation would be unthinkable, especially for a country like the United States which has created such a pivotal role for itself in the world political order. Tocqueville then introduces Jefferson’s proposition that the United States never ask for privileges from other countries in order to be able to deny the same request for privileges from other countries. Again, while it may have seemed like a good way to remain above the petty politics of what Tocqueville refers to as the ‘Old World’, today much of the power that the United States holds manifests itself in the privileged position it holds in the eyes of both other countries and in international organizations, allowing it to maintain the security that isolation previously provided. Also, Tocqueville further says that maintaining mainly
A renewed comprehension of these standards will permit us to justify actions abroad that advance our security and interests but temper that pursuit with a consciousness of our ethical commitments to different countries. The net impact of a renewed application of Founding principles would be a foreign policy that better promotes our good, the good of other countries and people, and the good of the world as a whole. Understanding the dangerous inadequacies of Progressive foreign policy, combined with a proper information of Founding foreign policy, will permit us to stay away from the pitfalls of two extremes in contemporary foreign policy: on the one extreme, a simply unbiased and idealistic foreign policy by which we interminably devote our military and other assets to the freedom and welfare of others and a policy of neutrality or intolerant self-enthusiasm by which both neglect forward-thinking actions necessary for our immediate and future security and miss genuine chances to help other people by prudentially advancing the universal principles to which we as a nation are committed.3 The loss of this conviction was the high cost of the Progressives' rebuilding of American foreign policy. A reestablished comprehension of the Founders' foreign policy is the way to reestablishing
Over the course of two world wars the U.S learned a bitter lesson. That “taking… shelter across the sea.” (Ronald). will not bring victory or security to the citizens that the government is sworn to protect. Reagan realizes this, but the idea of becoming the world's watcher for tyrannical governments and threats seems daunting too even the most powerful of countries.
It is no doubt that the Monroe Doctrine has become a staple in the study of American foreign policy. Since the establishment of the nation, America’s role in foreign policy has been questioned and under constant scrutiny. In his Farewell Address, George Washington warned of foreign entanglement. Stemming from Washington’s warning to Monroe’s doctrine – a disagreement has grown, what is the American role in the World. It was President James Monroe’s doctrine that ushered in a new belief for America’s role.
Address is its inaugurating document, it is not a tradition separate from liberty, but simply the means of defending the first tradition. Moreover, one of McDougall’s main purposes throughout is to show that unilateralism was not isolationism, which in fact never existed. “Our vaunted tradition of ‘isolationism,’” he states, “is no tradition at all, but a dirty word that interventionists, especially since Pearl Harbor, hurl at anyone who questions their policies” (p. 40). That the term functions as a smear (and a proven method of forestalling debate) is true enough. But it is hard to see how Washington’s doctrine can be equated with McDougall’s unilateralism.
He suggests that people mistake various American policies of unilateralism or neutralism as isolationism. Furthermore, he asserts that even then, America was not fully either of those. He takes the time to set the difference between neutrality/alignment, unilateralism/multilateralism, and isolationism/internationalism as well to finalise the difference between these often conflated dimensions of foreign
A Modern Day Imperial Power Presently, the presence of injustice, disorder, and poverty are all problems demanding a need for an active imperial power to solve them. Throughout the past two centuries, America has emerged as a capable modern day imperial power. As an imperial power, America has the ability to spread its economic, cultural and military influence internationally, majority of which benefits foreign nations. Likewise, imperialism is a widespread concept amongst existing and rising imperial powers due to the beneficial impacts it has on everyone—for example, economical, political, military, growth and cultural benefits. America’s ascent in strength and power was driven and motivated this imperialistic interest for everyone, having grown to become one of the most strongest forces in the world, it is a moral responsibility for America to aid less fortunate nations and people.
As America became a great power, it has continued its legacy of territorial expansionism through neo-imperialist policies. Aside from acquiring land and expanding American territory, the United States has established policies that have allowed direct and often indirect military and political control, economic exploitation, and the introduction of American ideals. The U.S. has justified this form of colonialism by claiming that it is for mutual economic pursuits, the spreading of democracy, and the establishment of stable governments in developing countries. Despite America’s noble causes, American imperialism has caused many repercussions. The United States should cease to be an imperialist power as it is economically damaging to countries under its rule, costly to America, violates the fundamental American principle of self-governance, and exacerbates social and political situations in countries America has tampered with.
Bush administration, and part 1 of this book spans that period. Parts 2 through 4 cover the Obama years. That wider scope, subsuming two quite different administrations, only serves to under-score the profound impact of philosophic ideas in foreign policy, regardless of who sits in the Oval Office. You will also learn that victory is achievable—if we take certain necessary steps (a detailed account can be found in Winning the Unwinnable War). Part 5 sketches out how an Objectivist approach to foreign policy stands apart in today’s intellectual landscape.
The film ‘Good Will Hunting’ directed by Gus Van Sant is a movie which follows the life of Will Hunting who is gifted with astonishing skills for maths but whom suffered with a fear of abandonment. He developed a defense mechanism which affected his ability to create long lasting relationships. An important extract from the movie is the scene ‘ It’s not your fault’. This scene conveyed the impact of childhood traumas, the effects of suppressed emotions and the idea of soulmates. These ideas were manifested through the use of various film techniques, such as camera shots and movements, music and dialogue.
Throughout this essay, I will analyze four different interviews of Bob Archer, Travis D’Ambrosia, Whako, and Ernesto Olguin and analyze the individual, state, and international levels of analysis, as well as their varying realist and liberalist theoretical approach, and explain other approaches that are inferior. II. Interview 1: a. Topic sentence: First, the interviewer discusses the crisis with the director of the CIA, Bob Archer. Archer gives insight of the event with China and the CIA, and during the interview, Archer discusses the individual level of analysis and take a realist approach to his job during the war. b.
The world in which Carr knew and wrote this book about may have change greatly, however I think one can say the world is once again experiencing s transitional moment where answers no longer suffice, and affirming this books continued relevance. To conclude, the book shows us how Carr was convinced the realities of Global Power and not Utopians normative morality would shape a new international order. Carr’s work can be understood as a critique of Liberalism internationalism or what he referred to as
Idealism and Realism are two strongly opposed views of foreign policy. At the core of this opposition is the issue of power and security in politics. Realism establishes a separation between politics and ethics in order to understand and comprehend international events. Realists don’t oppose morality to politics, nor power to law, but rather oppose the utopian peaceful society to the nature of society.
The current work is meant to explain the differences and similarities between the most dominant theories in international relations, Realism and Liberalism, both theories have some similarities and differences but much more important and interesting is to discuss and explain what differs and makes similar both theories. Conflicts and wars, Similarities and differences between Realism and Liberalism: Both Liberalism and Realism believes that there is no world government that can prevent countries to go to war on one another. For both theories military power is important and both Realism and Liberalism can understand that countries can use military power to get what they need or want. Also, both theories are conscious that without military
The international relations schools of thought known as Realism and Idealism identify specific and similar characteristics of actors in the conceptual development of their theories. While many of these characteristics can be generalized as being synonymous with the two theories, both theories make a separate distinction in what specifically constitutes an actor. In Realism, the term “actor” refers directly and solely to the state: a combination of government, leaders, decision-makers, etc, that act as a unitary entity to promote the interests of the state. Idealists, however, expand on what constitutes an actor to include both the state and people. Not only do the principles of Idealism assert that the state and people should be considered actors, in fact, both they must be viewed as actors.